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Commands, both Naval and Military, were outside my gubernational province and that I could not authorise such an arrangement. I would mention the suggestion, at the Generalissimo's request,
to the General Officer Commanding when I got back to Hong Kong
but that was all that I could undertake to do in such a matter.
The Generalissimo thereupon sprung the question "What will Great Britain do if Japan seizes and occupies the island of Hainan?" I replied that I could not visualize Japan taking a step that would simultaneously antagonise Great Britain, France, America and Siam and that, as the hypothesis appeared to me
outside the limits of possibility, the question need not in my opinion ever arise. The Generalissimo then let the subject drop, but with the final remark that we might find liaison in defence matters a future mutual necessity. The conversation was next turned by him to the advantages of personal acquaintance as a means of establishing friendly relations between nations and communities; he felt that in future he could write personal letters to me on matters affecting Hong Kong and China. To that I replied that only confusion could result if public matters were dealt with in personal correspondence outside the recognized and appropriate channels. I explained to him that as Governor of Hong Kong I could only handle "parochial" business and that, as a British Colony's policy was directed by and subordinate to Imperial policy, the sort of correspondence which he had in view could only be conducted through the Embassy
and the Foreign Office. To this he answered that he quite understood. The final stages of our talk were complimentary
and entirely non-political.
a
5.
It will be noticed that the trend of the night's
conversation was very reminiscent (the Japanese menace, suggestion of military co-operation and the hope of using the Governor of Hong Kong as a channel of international correspondence) of what was reported by me in my secret despatch
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